两千字的作文用英语怎么说
『壹』 求一篇2000字左右英语文章来做翻译
Amazing Intelligent Transportation
According to the Beijing Traffic Management Bureau of Statistics data show that the rapid growth of motor vehicles is much higher than the construction of road traffic, then how to solve traffic congestion problems?
Intensive family car trip
1-11 months of last year's vehicle sales exceeded 10 million, an increase of 42.39%. Motor vehicles in Beijing from 3 million to 4 million spent only two years and six months, this growth is the transportation construction in any case can not match.
Yang, Tsinghua University, Research Associate, Institute of Transportation analysis of traffic jams formed Emerging Artists reasons that: "motor vehicle ownership and use of excessive growth, and road construction, traffic management, energy and talent development of the reserves can not keep up the speed of motor vehicles. In particular, the use of a motor vehicle, family car travel, Beijing, intensity (frequency and distance of travel) is 8 times the family without a car, so that relatively great pressure on road transport. "
Frequency of use of motor vehicles is a very important factor, only "four million" figure does not tell the whole story. Sample survey data show that the frequency of use of each car 5 times higher than the U.S., which increases the likelihood of traffic congestion.
According to deputy chief engineer of the Ministry of Communications Research Institute, Transportation Research Center, Jiang Yulin, director of sustainable development description: "The ownership of motor vehicles and road construction is unbalanced, and we are the construction of urban road space is constrained resource conditions, and only 10 % -15% of the urban space can be used for transportation construction. Beijing rapid rate of population growth, many of the current road network is compressed the original transform walking and bike paths, there are historical problems. "growth and use of motor vehicles is no doubt become the most direct reason for traffic jams.
In fact, any international city has undergone a rapid growth as a result of motor vehicle traffic congestion stage. Data shows that the late 70s of last century, the Tokyo motor 300 million, far more than the current congestion in Beijing, known as the "commuter hell." 1995, Seoul, South Korea reached 2,000,000 vehicles, already crowded, almost to the extent could not leave. Currently, the total motor vehicles in Tokyo nearly 800 million, but the traffic is better in Beijing, this is why?
Some experts believe that international experience shows that urban transport can be optimized through the management structure, differentiated charging policy to take reasonable limit car, the implementation of measures such as tail number limit line can ease the congestion to some extent.
Intelligent Transportation to improve road traffic management is to improve the utilization efficiency of urban road system, an effective way. According to Jiang Yulin describes: "the major cities are using the latest information technology to build intelligent traffic management system, GIS system management bus lines, installation of the bus map, e-stops, visual query to achieve the bus." These technology to facilitate people's travel. Such as Chang'an new traffic probe, which can automatically measure traffic junctions, thereby controlling the traffic lights change, is the visual impression of intelligent transportation.
Young Emerging Artists stressed: "Intelligent Transportation should be a full range of social services for the whole system, traffic data and related transportation information should be open to the entire community." Jiang Yulin who agree with this attitude, "The government should support intelligent transportation, cooperation on strengthening the management to change the public security and traffic situation of asymmetric information and data, better integration of traffic information and transit information. "
However, the traffic problem is a matter of economic, social, cultural and administrative complex system problems, many structural problems can not simply rely on can not be resolved, such as information technology. Tongji Intelligent Transport System (ITS) Research Center, Yang Xiaoguang that "when the basic pattern of the city and traffic is determined, including the use of information technology to improve the traffic problems may well be one of the measures, but the technology is no different from drugs alone is not symptomatic . promote the Intelligent Transport System technology, to fully achieve the government, instry and academia combine attention to the service function of intelligent transportation systems and instrial properties. "
『贰』 2000字左右的英语文章
printed page. The only effect
『叁』 英文论文翻译需要一篇2000字的英文文章
"Recently, I read about Dr. Martin Luther King with his famous lecture called “I have a dream” in order to find my direction and catch my dream in the new university life. Affected by his power, I think a lot myself.Everybody has a dream, and I believe even a dog or a kitty has their dream, too. Why such a thing, that everyone has, can play such an important role in one’s heart? Did you ever wonder why a dream, sometimes it comes so easy? To me, the reason is that, I believe I am unique and young. You’re different from me while I’m different from her. Maybe you want to be a painter and she wants to be a singer. We are young, we own the future, and we are the designer of our future. Every young man can have their own idea about the future. Even though sometimes it seems that your dream will not come true, you just can’t help thinking about it over and over, right?
To be honest, I dream to be a fashion designer. I loved those gorgeous glamorous clothes, especially for females’. I think making a lady looks charming is an amazing work. Once she put on those clothes designed by me, then changed into a princess, just like Cinderella. This surging feeling drove me crazy. Even till today, I am still thinking, youth should have youth’s momentum. Never wild is never young. Now, dream is not only a dream but also a power sticking me on my future.
最近，为了寻找我的方向并实现我在大学的梦想，我看了马丁路德金的著名的演讲“我有一个梦想”。受到他的影响，我想了很多关于自己的事情。
每个人都有梦想，我相信即使是一只狗或猫都有自己的梦想。为什么每个人都会有梦想，在人们的心里起着如此重要的角色呢?你有没有想过为什么有时候梦想那么容易实现?对我来说，原因是我相信自己是唯一的，年轻的。你和我不一样，我和她也不一样。也许你想成为一名画家，而她却想成为一名歌手。我们年轻，我们拥有自己的未来，我们是我们未来的设计师。每个年轻人对未来都有自己的想法。虽然有时候，你的梦想看起来不会成真，但是你会禁不住一次次地想起来，是吧?
说实话，我梦想是成为一名时装设计师。我喜欢那些漂亮迷人的衣服，尤其是女装。我觉得让一个女性变得迷人是是一个了不起的工作。她一穿上那些我设计的衣服，就像灰姑娘一样变成了公主。这种强烈的感觉让我抓狂。现在，梦想不仅仅是一个梦也是对于未来坚持的动力。
英语论文翻译推荐国际科学编辑公司，国际科学编辑公司所有的专业编辑都是来自于英语母语国家。国际科学编辑翻译项目由两名资深的国内翻译和一名与客户专业背景类似的英语母语专家共同完成。此外，国际科学编辑公司都是先编辑后付款，每篇文章都最大程度满足客户的期望值。
『肆』 英语作文2000字东西方文化的差评
People in different parts of the world dress differently,such as the dressing between the east and west in the past. But such differences are no longer significant between china and the west. Nowadays on the street of Chinese cities you can see people wearing suits or shirts or T-shirts just as people do in the west. However, some difference remains. For example, in China people tend to be more "conservative", that is, they don't want certain parts of their body exposed when dressed, unlike some in the west. So world is just one family for all of us,we can know it just from clothes.Do you think so?
『伍』 求一篇2000字的经济类英文文章及翻译（英文要2000字），谢谢！
Health care
A new prescription for the poor
为贫穷者新开的处方
America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off
美国正在发展一个双重的健康系统，一重是为那些有个人保险的人群，而另一重则是为那些不那么富裕的人群
Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition
“IT’S
time for Dancing with the Stars!”, a woman announces enthusiastically.
At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the
east and Chinatown to the west, “dancing with the stars” means dancing
with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a
determined samba.
“是时候和明星一起跳舞了！”一位女士满怀热情地宣告。在这个坐落于房屋工程的西面，唐人街东面的纽约健康中心，“和明星起舞”的意思是和一位物理治疗师跳舞。一位老者和一个护士站起来，开始跳事先确定好的桑巴舞。
Comprehensive
Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people
active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer,
is in the company’s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate
for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs
rise and the company’s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system
is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others
seem to agree.
经营这个中心的综合护理管理部门（CCM）努力保持老人们的活力。约瑟夫-海莉，首席运营官解释说，这样做符合公司
的最佳利益。政府给这个部门一个封顶的津贴来让他们照顾这些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就会上升，公司的利润就会萎缩。海莉先生确定说这个系统能够
在一个低成本上提供最佳的护理。其他人也逐渐同意这个观点。
Medicaid, America’s health programme
for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next
three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into
“managed care”, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather
than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from
California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the
culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive
their health-care treatment.
公共医疗补助，即美国的穷人健康计划，正在被改造的过程中。在接下来的
三年内，纽约将把整个接受穷人健康计划的人群纳入“管理关怀”之中，付给公司们一个事先定好的费用来照顾那些穷人，而不是按照项目来付费。纽约不是唯一这
样做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理关怀计划。这代表一种正在进行中的稳步转变，即大部分贫穷美国人接受健康关怀方式的转变。
Medicaid
is America’s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in
five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It
gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other
than ecation. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama’s
health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in
2014. Congress’s “supercommittee” is already considering cuts. However,
there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.
公
共医疗补助是美国最大的单一健康计划。今年，五个美国人中的一个就会被纳入该计划一个月或更长时间。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的财政计划耗去更多联邦
和地方的经费。当2014年奥巴马的健康保险改革放宽适用人群而使整个计划更加庞大的时候，成本将会进一步上升。众议院的“超级委员会”已经在考虑削减经
费。然而，选择这种变化，将会有更多即刻的压力存在。
Enrolment in Medicaid jumped ring the
downturn, from 42.7m in December 2007 to 50.3m in June 2010. Mr Obama’s
stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried
up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed
payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the
dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been
structural: the expansion of managed care.
公共医疗补助计划的参与人数在经济滑坡期间从2007年
12月的
4270万人跳到了2010年6月的5030万人。奥巴马先生的经济刺激经费能够帮助付掉其中的一部分，但是钱已经被用光。面对资金短缺，一些绝望的州长
砍掉了给医院和医生的补助，或是拒绝支付牙医和眼科医生的旅行费用。但是，更多地，最重要的结果是结构上的：管理关怀的拓展。
States
have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the
1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care
reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the
remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are
introcing it. Other states are extending it to people previously
deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the
elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more
than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local
politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate.
But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.
各个州涉足管理关怀已经有几
十年的历史了。这个趋势在90年代得到加速发展，在2009年前使用这种护理方式的公共医疗补助病人占到了72%。现在，对于剩下的人，这也是很强的推动
力。像路易斯安那州这样没有管理关怀的州正在引进管理关怀。其他州也把这个拓展到原先被认为不适用的人群：举例说像加州和纽约州，正在把老人和残障人士纳
入这个系统中，德州的目标是在格兰德河谷超过400000公共医疗补助收益人群。地方政治家反对这个举动，他们担心这个护理系统将会变质。但是巨大的赤字
意味着他们的观点注定要被批驳。
The result is a country with two distinct tiers
of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still
horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to
pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is
becoming the norm.
结果就是一个国家有两套截然不同的健康保险系统。大多数有个人保险的美国人仍旧害怕那些健康管理组织的想法而宁愿为单独的医疗服务付费。对于穷人来说，管理关怀已经成为一种常规。
Advocates
of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will
make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will
improve patients’ health. In managed care, a patient has a network of
doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can
monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented
fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can
set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a
company’s payment if it does not meet what is required.
管理关怀的鼓吹者有着很高的
期待。首先，他们希望这能让成本变得可以预测，其次，他们相信，这个改变可以改善病人的健康。在管理关怀中，一个病人有一个由医生和专家组成的网络。如果
这个计划运行良好，医生可以监测关怀的各个方面，相对于分离的的按服务付钱的系统来说。州政府和公司的合同可以为质量定下标准。德州，举例说，将会在付款
中扣除5%如果公司没有达到要求的标准。
The next step is to integrate care for those
eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the
old. These “als” account for almost 40% of Medicaid’s costs and just
15% of its population. “If managed care can really deliver better care
than fee-for-service”, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that
advises Congress on Medicaid, “this is the population that could prove
it.”
下一步是整合那些同时符合公共医疗补助和长者医疗补助计划（联邦老人医疗补助）的人群。这些“双符合”人群占据了将近40%的公共医疗补
助成本和仅仅15%的人口数量。“如果管理关怀能真正比按项目付费带来更好的服务”，戴安-罗兰德，委员会（指导国会在公共医疗补助政策上进行决策）主任
说：“这是一群能证明管理关怀可行的人。”
But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are
sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of
Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with
severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on
policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October
3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.
但是一些人，例如像诺玛-凡斯科夫就对此表示怀疑。作为非盈利的南加州独立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服务于那些有严重健康问题的接受公共医疗补助的病人。在这些年间，她经常控告加州政府在一些政策上会伤害她的一些脆弱的客户。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上诉法院。
The
outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound
implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo’s suit concerns cuts
to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of
managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will
continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate
federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California’s payment
cuts would eviscerate her clients’ access to services, worries that
under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists
they need.
道格拉斯 v
独立生活中心的结果将会对公共医疗补助有深远的意义。凡斯科夫女士的诉讼影响到医院和医生的津贴削减。但是这个案子将会引领管理关怀的进程。如果中心和其
他原告胜诉，私人团体将会继续在那些他们认为违反联邦法律的政策上挑战州政府。凡斯科夫女士认为说加州的支付削减计划会让她的客户失去得到服务的机会，她
还担心，在管理关怀之下，那些残障人士可能不能见到那些他们需要的专家。
The question is how to
supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out
in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to
challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules
against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and
Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not
provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.
问
题是怎么监管在不同州试运行的管理关怀。到目前为止，公共医疗补助受益者已经能够在法庭中挑战政府。然而，如果上诉法庭结果不利于中心，那么这条路将会被
关闭。如果州政府没有提供合适的关怀的话，公共医疗补助和长者医疗关怀中心理论上是能对此进行干涉，但事实上，他们没有太多办法。
“I’m
a big fan of managed care”, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George
Washington University, “but this transformation may happen with almost
no federal oversight.” Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse
health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs
and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts
properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients’ health, their
experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if
states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has
vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.
“我是
管理关怀的拥护者”，萨拉-罗森博姆，一位乔治华盛顿大学教授说，“但是这种转变可能在没有联邦监管的情况下发生。”公共医疗补助的受益者和你脆弱，健康
程度整体上比一般美国人要差。公司可能在削减成本的同时挣扎着同样提供良好的服务。如果州政府们不好好起草他们的合同，或没有警觉地监控病人的健康的话，
他们在管理关怀上的实验可能会是一场灾难。另一方面，如果州政府们认真的话，他们能为那个困扰美国人多年的问题提供答案，即怎么提供优质的便宜的健康关
怀。
『陆』 求一篇2500字左右的英文文章并翻译
楼主你好！
我来推荐一个中英文对照的网站。
http://ftchinese.com/
里面的每一个新闻都有汉语、英语对照，而且我认为无论是汉语还是英语都写得很地道。
很适合学习英语，当然也适合您的作业需要。
您是要做翻译方面的作业吧？那这个网站应该能够满足要求哈~
（我绝对不是做广告的。。。呵呵）
粘一篇新闻来看看吧~
“苹果正错过中国商机”
LENOVO BOOSTED BY APPLE VIEW OF CHINA
Apple is missing a huge opportunity in the Chinese market, according to the head of Lenovo, the country's leading PC maker.
中国领先个人电脑制造商联想(Lenovo)的董事长表示，苹果(Apple)正错过中国市场的一大机遇。
Speaking of Apple's chief executive, Lenovo's founder and chairman, said: “We are lucky that Steve Jobs has such a bad temper and doesn't care about China. If Apple were to spend the same effort on the Chinese consumer as we do, we would be in trouble,” Liu Chuan told the Financial Times.
在谈到苹果的首席执行官时，联想创始人兼董事长柳传志对英国《金融时报》表示：“我们很幸运，因为史蒂夫?乔布斯(Steve Jobs)的脾气很坏，没把中国市场当回事。如果苹果花在中国消费者身上的功夫与我们一样，那我们将会有麻烦。”
His comments come as Lenovo is rapidly recovering from the financial crisis, mainly boosted by its strength in China. The company holds about 30 per cent of its home market, which is one of the world's fastest-growing and is expected to become the world's largest within a year.
柳传志发表此言之际，联想正快速摆脱金融危机，走向复苏，这主要是得到其在中国实力的提振。该公司拥有本土市场大约30%的份额，而中国是全球增长最快的市场之一，而且预计在一年内将成为全球最大市场。
Apple's procts are proving to be as desirable for Chinese consumers as for their international peers, but official channels for their sale are extremely limited. The company has just a handful of flagship stores and authorised resellers in the country's largest cities.
与海外消费者一样，中国消费者也展现出对苹果产品的钟爱，但这些产品的正式销售渠道极其有限。苹果只是在中国最大的几个城市拥有少量旗舰店和授权分销商。
The iPhone has been legally available only via China Unicom, the country's second-largest mobile operator. Sales have been sluggish partly because the price tag for the phone is much higher than for iPhones sold through unauthorised channels.
iPhone智能手机只能通过中国第二大移动通信运营商——中国联通(China Unicom)合法买到。该渠道的销售一直低迷，因为其价码比通过未授权渠道销售的iPhone高得多。
Apple declined to comment on Mr Liu's comments directly, but said it had opened a new store in Shanghai on Saturday and was on track to have 25 retail outlets in the country by the end of next year.
苹果不愿对柳传志的言论直接置评，但它表示，苹果上周六在上海开了一家新店，并正在按部就班地推进相关计划，到明年底将在中国拥有25个零售点。
Executives said in April that they saw the Chinese market as a major growth opportunity.
高管们在4月份曾表示，他们把中国市场视为一个重大增长机遇。
Mr Liu said the LePhone, Lenovo's first signature proct in its push into mobile devices, was well placed to compete with the iPhone in China because the device, launched earlier this year, was customised for Chinese users.
柳传志表示，联想在进军移动设备方面的首款标志性产品LePhone，在中国市场与iPhone竞争时将处于有利地位，因为今年早些时候亮相的这款产品，是面向中国用户精心设计的。
“This is a very practical thing. The iPhone has more than 100,000 content providers, and we have no more than 1,000,” he said.
“这是一件很现实的事。iPhone有逾10万家内容提供商，而我们只有不超过1000家，”他表示。
“But our Chinese customers feel our applications are very convenient to use.”
“但我们的中国顾客觉得，我们的应用使用起来非常便利。”
The Lenovo founder said he expected China eventually to replace the US as a global trend-setter in technology as a take-off in Chinese domestic consumption would force global tech companies to set their development roadmaps to follow Chinese consumer tastes.
这位联想创始人表示，他预期中国最终将取代美国，引领全球科技领域的潮流，因为中国国内消费的腾飞，将迫使全球科技企业调整各自的研发路线图，以追随中国消费者的品味。
Other global PC companies such as Hewlett-Packard, Dell and Acer are pouring additional resources into China in recognition of the country's market might.
其它跨国个人电脑企业，如惠普(HP)、戴尔(Dell)和宏碁(Acer)，均认同中国市场的威力。它们正将更多资源投入中国。
However, Mr Liu suggested Apple was defying this logic.
不过，柳传志暗示，苹果却无视这一逻辑。
“Steve Jobs is a genius. He is the exception to my rule,” he said.
“史蒂夫?乔布斯是一个天才。以我的标准来衡量，他可算一个另类，”他说。
“My theory is that a manager needs to be the string on which he puts one pearl after another. But Jobs himself is a big pearl.”
“我的理论是，经理人需要是一根线，来串起一颗又一颗珍珠。但乔布斯自己就是一颗大珍珠。”
『柒』 两千字英语作文
They're Question XML know just books. Yes ，some men rainbow.I'm XML .they are taIk about tohim.
『捌』 求英语好的大神，需要写2000字的英语作文。
在这一个平复常的冬天，在一个平常制的早晨，我却体验了一件不平常的事，但也同时让我明白了一个道理。 那一天，我正在温暖的被窝里睡觉。忽然，妈妈跑进来喊我起床叫我往窗外看。我揉揉松醒的眼睛，伸了个懒腰，慢慢腾腾地从被窝里爬起来，习惯性的...
『玖』 我要一篇2000字左右的英语文章，没翻译也行，急需要！
这里也有不少英语的优秀作文：：）~~
http://www.hzsdyfz.com.cn/gao2/English/lanmu.php?size=comp
这篇可以参考：
The Snow
What a big snow I have never seen! What a beautiful snow I have never enjoy.
When I went out for school from home, I was doomed to get a wonder. Everything seemed unlucky to me. I left the umbrella at home; I couldn’t unlock my bike and a big truck held up the traffic, which took me above 5 minutes to pass the road. At last I met Charlie and we were both late for the maths class. If it happened the day before, we would go to our seats without saying anything. But today we were forced to stand outside in the cold wind because of the head teacher’s bad mood. I didn’t want to say anything. It was useless. So I began to stand with Charlie.
After a short while, we both felt so cold that we couldn’t speak a word. The world seemed very quiet. I suddenly found there was a lot of thin ice dropping from the sky. “!” I shouted to Charlie who soon became excited the same as me. We expected for the snow but nothing happened.
The ice turned white and turned to snow quietly. We were immersed in it without any word. From little to big, the snow changed out of my imagination. With the wind blowing heavily, the snow beat on my face, hair and covered all over my body. We couldn’t help shaking in the snow. We opened our mouths to taste the icy snow, stood still in the snow, and enjoyed the wonderful scene ourselves.I did believe the snow was not only a scene but a great wonder as well. It bought me much more than it had.It was too great and too beautiful that I couldn’t imagine. How fantastic it was! With the snow dropping on my body, I didn’t want to move though it was so cold.
If you lived in the north, you might think it was nothing. But the following thing was more unreal. A bird, a beautiful parrot, like an angel, flew from the sky onto Charlie’s shoulder and then flew to my shoulder. I didn’t know how to express my feelings, only enjoying it. The parrot didn’t seem to leave. How fantastic, I thought.
The snow became smaller and smaller after class. Maybe we lost something, but we got something, too. I didn’t know what it meant. I only wished to believe it would bring me good luck.
I would never forget that day.
英语写作网，很全的：）~~
http://www.blog.e.cn/user1/12601/subject/
可以学习下：）~~
http://www.hzsdyfz.com.cn/gao2/English/lanmu.php?size=comp
英语作文范文：）~
http://www.lunwen.org.cn/Html/wx08
『拾』 1000字作文英文怎么写
Old soldiers never die
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, indivial dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity proced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has proced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of indivial liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and instrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as indivial citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his ty as God gave him the light to see that ty.