兩千字的作文用英語怎麼說
『壹』 求一篇2000字左右英語文章來做翻譯
Amazing Intelligent Transportation
According to the Beijing Traffic Management Bureau of Statistics data show that the rapid growth of motor vehicles is much higher than the construction of road traffic, then how to solve traffic congestion problems?
Intensive family car trip
1-11 months of last year's vehicle sales exceeded 10 million, an increase of 42.39%. Motor vehicles in Beijing from 3 million to 4 million spent only two years and six months, this growth is the transportation construction in any case can not match.
Yang, Tsinghua University, Research Associate, Institute of Transportation analysis of traffic jams formed Emerging Artists reasons that: "motor vehicle ownership and use of excessive growth, and road construction, traffic management, energy and talent development of the reserves can not keep up the speed of motor vehicles. In particular, the use of a motor vehicle, family car travel, Beijing, intensity (frequency and distance of travel) is 8 times the family without a car, so that relatively great pressure on road transport. "
Frequency of use of motor vehicles is a very important factor, only "four million" figure does not tell the whole story. Sample survey data show that the frequency of use of each car 5 times higher than the U.S., which increases the likelihood of traffic congestion.
According to deputy chief engineer of the Ministry of Communications Research Institute, Transportation Research Center, Jiang Yulin, director of sustainable development description: "The ownership of motor vehicles and road construction is unbalanced, and we are the construction of urban road space is constrained resource conditions, and only 10 % -15% of the urban space can be used for transportation construction. Beijing rapid rate of population growth, many of the current road network is compressed the original transform walking and bike paths, there are historical problems. "growth and use of motor vehicles is no doubt become the most direct reason for traffic jams.
In fact, any international city has undergone a rapid growth as a result of motor vehicle traffic congestion stage. Data shows that the late 70s of last century, the Tokyo motor 300 million, far more than the current congestion in Beijing, known as the "commuter hell." 1995, Seoul, South Korea reached 2,000,000 vehicles, already crowded, almost to the extent could not leave. Currently, the total motor vehicles in Tokyo nearly 800 million, but the traffic is better in Beijing, this is why?
Some experts believe that international experience shows that urban transport can be optimized through the management structure, differentiated charging policy to take reasonable limit car, the implementation of measures such as tail number limit line can ease the congestion to some extent.
Intelligent Transportation to improve road traffic management is to improve the utilization efficiency of urban road system, an effective way. According to Jiang Yulin describes: "the major cities are using the latest information technology to build intelligent traffic management system, GIS system management bus lines, installation of the bus map, e-stops, visual query to achieve the bus." These technology to facilitate people's travel. Such as Chang'an new traffic probe, which can automatically measure traffic junctions, thereby controlling the traffic lights change, is the visual impression of intelligent transportation.
Young Emerging Artists stressed: "Intelligent Transportation should be a full range of social services for the whole system, traffic data and related transportation information should be open to the entire community." Jiang Yulin who agree with this attitude, "The government should support intelligent transportation, cooperation on strengthening the management to change the public security and traffic situation of asymmetric information and data, better integration of traffic information and transit information. "
However, the traffic problem is a matter of economic, social, cultural and administrative complex system problems, many structural problems can not simply rely on can not be resolved, such as information technology. Tongji Intelligent Transport System (ITS) Research Center, Yang Xiaoguang that "when the basic pattern of the city and traffic is determined, including the use of information technology to improve the traffic problems may well be one of the measures, but the technology is no different from drugs alone is not symptomatic . promote the Intelligent Transport System technology, to fully achieve the government, instry and academia combine attention to the service function of intelligent transportation systems and instrial properties. "
『貳』 2000字左右的英語文章
printed page. The only effect
『叄』 英文論文翻譯需要一篇2000字的英文文章
"Recently, I read about Dr. Martin Luther King with his famous lecture called 「I have a dream」 in order to find my direction and catch my dream in the new university life. Affected by his power, I think a lot myself.Everybody has a dream, and I believe even a dog or a kitty has their dream, too. Why such a thing, that everyone has, can play such an important role in one』s heart? Did you ever wonder why a dream, sometimes it comes so easy? To me, the reason is that, I believe I am unique and young. You』re different from me while I』m different from her. Maybe you want to be a painter and she wants to be a singer. We are young, we own the future, and we are the designer of our future. Every young man can have their own idea about the future. Even though sometimes it seems that your dream will not come true, you just can』t help thinking about it over and over, right?
To be honest, I dream to be a fashion designer. I loved those gorgeous glamorous clothes, especially for females』. I think making a lady looks charming is an amazing work. Once she put on those clothes designed by me, then changed into a princess, just like Cinderella. This surging feeling drove me crazy. Even till today, I am still thinking, youth should have youth』s momentum. Never wild is never young. Now, dream is not only a dream but also a power sticking me on my future.
最近，為了尋找我的方向並實現我在大學的夢想，我看了馬丁路德金的著名的演講「我有一個夢想」。受到他的影響，我想了很多關於自己的事情。
每個人都有夢想，我相信即使是一隻狗或貓都有自己的夢想。為什麼每個人都會有夢想，在人們的心裡起著如此重要的角色呢?你有沒有想過為什麼有時候夢想那麼容易實現?對我來說，原因是我相信自己是唯一的，年輕的。你和我不一樣，我和她也不一樣。也許你想成為一名畫家，而她卻想成為一名歌手。我們年輕，我們擁有自己的未來，我們是我們未來的設計師。每個年輕人對未來都有自己的想法。雖然有時候，你的夢想看起來不會成真，但是你會禁不住一次次地想起來，是吧?
說實話，我夢想是成為一名時裝設計師。我喜歡那些漂亮迷人的衣服，尤其是女裝。我覺得讓一個女性變得迷人是是一個了不起的工作。她一穿上那些我設計的衣服，就像灰姑娘一樣變成了公主。這種強烈的感覺讓我抓狂。現在，夢想不僅僅是一個夢也是對於未來堅持的動力。
英語論文翻譯推薦國際科學編輯公司，國際科學編輯公司所有的專業編輯都是來自於英語母語國家。國際科學編輯翻譯項目由兩名資深的國內翻譯和一名與客戶專業背景類似的英語母語專家共同完成。此外，國際科學編輯公司都是先編輯後付款，每篇文章都最大程度滿足客戶的期望值。
『肆』 英語作文2000字東西方文化的差評
People in different parts of the world dress differently,such as the dressing between the east and west in the past. But such differences are no longer significant between china and the west. Nowadays on the street of Chinese cities you can see people wearing suits or shirts or T-shirts just as people do in the west. However, some difference remains. For example, in China people tend to be more "conservative", that is, they don't want certain parts of their body exposed when dressed, unlike some in the west. So world is just one family for all of us,we can know it just from clothes.Do you think so?
『伍』 求一篇2000字的經濟類英文文章及翻譯（英文要2000字），謝謝！
Health care
A new prescription for the poor
為貧窮者新開的處方
America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off
美國正在發展一個雙重的健康系統，一重是為那些有個人保險的人群，而另一重則是為那些不那麼富裕的人群
Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition
「IT』S
time for Dancing with the Stars!」, a woman announces enthusiastically.
At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the
east and Chinatown to the west, 「dancing with the stars」 means dancing
with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a
determined samba.
「是時候和明星一起跳舞了！」一位女士滿懷熱情地宣告。在這個坐落於房屋工程的西面，唐人街東面的紐約健康中心，「和明星起舞」的意思是和一位物理治療師跳舞。一位老者和一個護士站起來，開始跳事先確定好的桑巴舞。
Comprehensive
Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people
active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer,
is in the company』s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate
for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs
rise and the company』s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system
is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others
seem to agree.
經營這個中心的綜合護理管理部門（CCM）努力保持老人們的活力。約瑟夫-海莉，首席運營官解釋說，這樣做符合公司
的最佳利益。政府給這個部門一個封頂的津貼來讓他們照顧這些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就會上升，公司的利潤就會萎縮。海莉先生確定說這個系統能夠
在一個低成本上提供最佳的護理。其他人也逐漸同意這個觀點。
Medicaid, America』s health programme
for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next
three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into
「managed care」, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather
than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from
California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the
culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive
their health-care treatment.
公共醫療補助，即美國的窮人健康計劃，正在被改造的過程中。在接下來的
三年內，紐約將把整個接受窮人健康計劃的人群納入「管理關懷」之中，付給公司們一個事先定好的費用來照顧那些窮人，而不是按照項目來付費。紐約不是唯一這
樣做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理關懷計劃。這代表一種正在進行中的穩步轉變，即大部分貧窮美國人接受健康關懷方式的轉變。
Medicaid
is America』s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in
five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It
gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other
than ecation. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama』s
health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in
2014. Congress』s 「supercommittee」 is already considering cuts. However,
there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.
公
共醫療補助是美國最大的單一健康計劃。今年，五個美國人中的一個就會被納入該計劃一個月或更長時間。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的財政計劃耗去更多聯邦
和地方的經費。當2014年奧巴馬的健康保險改革放寬適用人群而使整個計劃更加龐大的時候，成本將會進一步上升。眾議院的「超級委員會」已經在考慮削減經
費。然而，選擇這種變化，將會有更多即刻的壓力存在。
Enrolment in Medicaid jumped ring the
downturn, from 42.7m in December 2007 to 50.3m in June 2010. Mr Obama』s
stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried
up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed
payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the
dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been
structural: the expansion of managed care.
公共醫療補助計劃的參與人數在經濟滑坡期間從2007年
12月的
4270萬人跳到了2010年6月的5030萬人。奧巴馬先生的經濟刺激經費能夠幫助付掉其中的一部分，但是錢已經被用光。面對資金短缺，一些絕望的州長
砍掉了給醫院和醫生的補助，或是拒絕支付牙醫和眼科醫生的旅行費用。但是，更多地，最重要的結果是結構上的：管理關懷的拓展。
States
have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the
1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care
reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the
remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are
introcing it. Other states are extending it to people previously
deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the
elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more
than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local
politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate.
But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.
各個州涉足管理關懷已經有幾
十年的歷史了。這個趨勢在90年代得到加速發展，在2009年前使用這種護理方式的公共醫療補助病人佔到了72%。現在，對於剩下的人，這也是很強的推動
力。像路易斯安那州這樣沒有管理關懷的州正在引進管理關懷。其他州也把這個拓展到原先被認為不適用的人群：舉例說像加州和紐約州，正在把老人和殘障人士納
入這個系統中，德州的目標是在格蘭德河谷超過400000公共醫療補助收益人群。地方政治家反對這個舉動，他們擔心這個護理系統將會變質。但是巨大的赤字
意味著他們的觀點註定要被批駁。
The result is a country with two distinct tiers
of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still
horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to
pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is
becoming the norm.
結果就是一個國家有兩套截然不同的健康保險系統。大多數有個人保險的美國人仍舊害怕那些健康管理組織的想法而寧願為單獨的醫療服務付費。對於窮人來說，管理關懷已經成為一種常規。
Advocates
of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will
make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will
improve patients』 health. In managed care, a patient has a network of
doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can
monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented
fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can
set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a
company』s payment if it does not meet what is required.
管理關懷的鼓吹者有著很高的
期待。首先，他們希望這能讓成本變得可以預測，其次，他們相信，這個改變可以改善病人的健康。在管理關懷中，一個病人有一個由醫生和專家組成的網路。如果
這個計劃運行良好，醫生可以監測關懷的各個方面，相對於分離的的按服務付錢的系統來說。州政府和公司的合同可以為質量定下標准。德州，舉例說，將會在付款
中扣除5%如果公司沒有達到要求的標准。
The next step is to integrate care for those
eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the
old. These 「als」 account for almost 40% of Medicaid』s costs and just
15% of its population. 「If managed care can really deliver better care
than fee-for-service」, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that
advises Congress on Medicaid, 「this is the population that could prove
it.」
下一步是整合那些同時符合公共醫療補助和長者醫療補助計劃（聯邦老人醫療補助）的人群。這些「雙符合」人群占據了將近40%的公共醫療補
助成本和僅僅15%的人口數量。「如果管理關懷能真正比按項目付費帶來更好的服務」，戴安-羅蘭德，委員會（指導國會在公共醫療補助政策上進行決策）主任
說：「這是一群能證明管理關懷可行的人。」
But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are
sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of
Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with
severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on
policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October
3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.
但是一些人，例如像諾瑪-凡斯科夫就對此表示懷疑。作為非盈利的南加州獨立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服務於那些有嚴重健康問題的接受公共醫療補助的病人。在這些年間，她經常控告加州政府在一些政策上會傷害她的一些脆弱的客戶。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上訴法院。
The
outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound
implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo』s suit concerns cuts
to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of
managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will
continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate
federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California』s payment
cuts would eviscerate her clients』 access to services, worries that
under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists
they need.
道格拉斯 v
獨立生活中心的結果將會對公共醫療補助有深遠的意義。凡斯科夫女士的訴訟影響到醫院和醫生的津貼削減。但是這個案子將會引領管理關懷的進程。如果中心和其
他原告勝訴，私人團體將會繼續在那些他們認為違反聯邦法律的政策上挑戰州政府。凡斯科夫女士認為說加州的支付削減計劃會讓她的客戶失去得到服務的機會，她
還擔心，在管理關懷之下，那些殘障人士可能不能見到那些他們需要的專家。
The question is how to
supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out
in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to
challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules
against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and
Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not
provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.
問
題是怎麼監管在不同州試運行的管理關懷。到目前為止，公共醫療補助受益者已經能夠在法庭中挑戰政府。然而，如果上訴法庭結果不利於中心，那麼這條路將會被
關閉。如果州政府沒有提供合適的關懷的話，公共醫療補助和長者醫療關懷中心理論上是能對此進行干涉，但事實上，他們沒有太多辦法。
「I』m
a big fan of managed care」, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George
Washington University, 「but this transformation may happen with almost
no federal oversight.」 Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse
health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs
and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts
properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients』 health, their
experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if
states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has
vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.
「我是
管理關懷的擁護者」，薩拉-羅森博姆，一位喬治華盛頓大學教授說，「但是這種轉變可能在沒有聯邦監管的情況下發生。」公共醫療補助的受益者和你脆弱，健康
程度整體上比一般美國人要差。公司可能在削減成本的同時掙扎著同樣提供良好的服務。如果州政府們不好好起草他們的合同，或沒有警覺地監控病人的健康的話，
他們在管理關懷上的實驗可能會是一場災難。另一方面，如果州政府們認真的話，他們能為那個困擾美國人多年的問題提供答案，即怎麼提供優質的便宜的健康關
懷。
『陸』 求一篇2500字左右的英文文章並翻譯
樓主你好！
我來推薦一個中英文對照的網站。
http://ftchinese.com/
裡面的每一個新聞都有漢語、英語對照，而且我認為無論是漢語還是英語都寫得很地道。
很適合學習英語，當然也適合您的作業需要。
您是要做翻譯方面的作業吧？那這個網站應該能夠滿足要求哈~
（我絕對不是做廣告的。。。呵呵）
粘一篇新聞來看看吧~
「蘋果正錯過中國商機」
LENOVO BOOSTED BY APPLE VIEW OF CHINA
Apple is missing a huge opportunity in the Chinese market, according to the head of Lenovo, the country's leading PC maker.
中國領先個人電腦製造商聯想(Lenovo)的董事長表示，蘋果(Apple)正錯過中國市場的一大機遇。
Speaking of Apple's chief executive, Lenovo's founder and chairman, said: 「We are lucky that Steve Jobs has such a bad temper and doesn't care about China. If Apple were to spend the same effort on the Chinese consumer as we do, we would be in trouble,」 Liu Chuan told the Financial Times.
在談到蘋果的首席執行官時，聯想創始人兼董事長柳傳志對英國《金融時報》表示：「我們很幸運，因為史蒂夫?喬布斯(Steve Jobs)的脾氣很壞，沒把中國市場當回事。如果蘋果花在中國消費者身上的功夫與我們一樣，那我們將會有麻煩。」
His comments come as Lenovo is rapidly recovering from the financial crisis, mainly boosted by its strength in China. The company holds about 30 per cent of its home market, which is one of the world's fastest-growing and is expected to become the world's largest within a year.
柳傳志發表此言之際，聯想正快速擺脫金融危機，走向復甦，這主要是得到其在中國實力的提振。該公司擁有本土市場大約30%的份額，而中國是全球增長最快的市場之一，而且預計在一年內將成為全球最大市場。
Apple's procts are proving to be as desirable for Chinese consumers as for their international peers, but official channels for their sale are extremely limited. The company has just a handful of flagship stores and authorised resellers in the country's largest cities.
與海外消費者一樣，中國消費者也展現出對蘋果產品的鍾愛，但這些產品的正式銷售渠道極其有限。蘋果只是在中國最大的幾個城市擁有少量旗艦店和授權分銷商。
The iPhone has been legally available only via China Unicom, the country's second-largest mobile operator. Sales have been sluggish partly because the price tag for the phone is much higher than for iPhones sold through unauthorised channels.
iPhone智能手機只能通過中國第二大移動通信運營商——中國聯通(China Unicom)合法買到。該渠道的銷售一直低迷，因為其價碼比通過未授權渠道銷售的iPhone高得多。
Apple declined to comment on Mr Liu's comments directly, but said it had opened a new store in Shanghai on Saturday and was on track to have 25 retail outlets in the country by the end of next year.
蘋果不願對柳傳志的言論直接置評，但它表示，蘋果上周六在上海開了一家新店，並正在按部就班地推進相關計劃，到明年底將在中國擁有25個零售點。
Executives said in April that they saw the Chinese market as a major growth opportunity.
高管們在4月份曾表示，他們把中國市場視為一個重大增長機遇。
Mr Liu said the LePhone, Lenovo's first signature proct in its push into mobile devices, was well placed to compete with the iPhone in China because the device, launched earlier this year, was customised for Chinese users.
柳傳志表示，聯想在進軍移動設備方面的首款標志性產品LePhone，在中國市場與iPhone競爭時將處於有利地位，因為今年早些時候亮相的這款產品，是面向中國用戶精心設計的。
「This is a very practical thing. The iPhone has more than 100,000 content providers, and we have no more than 1,000,」 he said.
「這是一件很現實的事。iPhone有逾10萬家內容提供商，而我們只有不超過1000家，」他表示。
「But our Chinese customers feel our applications are very convenient to use.」
「但我們的中國顧客覺得，我們的應用使用起來非常便利。」
The Lenovo founder said he expected China eventually to replace the US as a global trend-setter in technology as a take-off in Chinese domestic consumption would force global tech companies to set their development roadmaps to follow Chinese consumer tastes.
這位聯想創始人表示，他預期中國最終將取代美國，引領全球科技領域的潮流，因為中國國內消費的騰飛，將迫使全球科技企業調整各自的研發路線圖，以追隨中國消費者的品味。
Other global PC companies such as Hewlett-Packard, Dell and Acer are pouring additional resources into China in recognition of the country's market might.
其它跨國個人電腦企業，如惠普(HP)、戴爾(Dell)和宏碁(Acer)，均認同中國市場的威力。它們正將更多資源投入中國。
However, Mr Liu suggested Apple was defying this logic.
不過，柳傳志暗示，蘋果卻無視這一邏輯。
「Steve Jobs is a genius. He is the exception to my rule,」 he said.
「史蒂夫?喬布斯是一個天才。以我的標准來衡量，他可算一個另類，」他說。
「My theory is that a manager needs to be the string on which he puts one pearl after another. But Jobs himself is a big pearl.」
「我的理論是，經理人需要是一根線，來串起一顆又一顆珍珠。但喬布斯自己就是一顆大珍珠。」
『柒』 兩千字英語作文
They're Question XML know just books. Yes ，some men rainbow.I'm XML .they are taIk about tohim.
『捌』 求英語好的大神，需要寫2000字的英語作文。
在這一個平復常的冬天，在一個平常制的早晨，我卻體驗了一件不平常的事，但也同時讓我明白了一個道理。 那一天，我正在溫暖的被窩里睡覺。忽然，媽媽跑進來喊我起床叫我往窗外看。我揉揉松醒的眼睛，伸了個懶腰，慢慢騰騰地從被窩里爬起來，習慣性的...
『玖』 我要一篇2000字左右的英語文章，沒翻譯也行，急需要！
這里也有不少英語的優秀作文：：）~~
http://www.hzsdyfz.com.cn/gao2/English/lanmu.php?size=comp
這篇可以參考：
The Snow
What a big snow I have never seen! What a beautiful snow I have never enjoy.
When I went out for school from home, I was doomed to get a wonder. Everything seemed unlucky to me. I left the umbrella at home; I couldn』t unlock my bike and a big truck held up the traffic, which took me above 5 minutes to pass the road. At last I met Charlie and we were both late for the maths class. If it happened the day before, we would go to our seats without saying anything. But today we were forced to stand outside in the cold wind because of the head teacher』s bad mood. I didn』t want to say anything. It was useless. So I began to stand with Charlie.
After a short while, we both felt so cold that we couldn』t speak a word. The world seemed very quiet. I suddenly found there was a lot of thin ice dropping from the sky. 「!」 I shouted to Charlie who soon became excited the same as me. We expected for the snow but nothing happened.
The ice turned white and turned to snow quietly. We were immersed in it without any word. From little to big, the snow changed out of my imagination. With the wind blowing heavily, the snow beat on my face, hair and covered all over my body. We couldn』t help shaking in the snow. We opened our mouths to taste the icy snow, stood still in the snow, and enjoyed the wonderful scene ourselves.I did believe the snow was not only a scene but a great wonder as well. It bought me much more than it had.It was too great and too beautiful that I couldn』t imagine. How fantastic it was! With the snow dropping on my body, I didn』t want to move though it was so cold.
If you lived in the north, you might think it was nothing. But the following thing was more unreal. A bird, a beautiful parrot, like an angel, flew from the sky onto Charlie』s shoulder and then flew to my shoulder. I didn』t know how to express my feelings, only enjoying it. The parrot didn』t seem to leave. How fantastic, I thought.
The snow became smaller and smaller after class. Maybe we lost something, but we got something, too. I didn』t know what it meant. I only wished to believe it would bring me good luck.
I would never forget that day.
英語寫作網，很全的：）~~
http://www.blog.e.cn/user1/12601/subject/
可以學習下：）~~
http://www.hzsdyfz.com.cn/gao2/English/lanmu.php?size=comp
英語作文範文：）~
http://www.lunwen.org.cn/Html/wx08
『拾』 1000字作文英文怎麼寫
Old soldiers never die
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, indivial dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity proced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has proced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of indivial liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and instrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as indivial citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his ty as God gave him the light to see that ty.